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Road Intersections |
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Recreational areas |
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School gates |
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Total child cyclists |
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Figure 1. Counts of cyclists with and without
helmets in Victoria,
pre- (May 1990) and post- (May 1991) helmet law (source: MUARC surveys 7 ).
In Victoria, both adults and child cyclists were counted. The
same sites and observation times were used and 82% of sites had the same
weather classification. Overall, 36% fewer cyclists were
counted (Figure 1). For sites which
were fine in both 1990 and 1991, the reduction was, however, only 24%.
The survey was repeated the following year, when a bicycle rally happened
to pass through one of the sites. Excluding this site, numbers in
the second year were down by 27% on the pre-law survey. These figures
indicate, as in NSW, that the increase in numbers wearing helmets was less
than the overall decrease in numbers of cyclists.
Attitude surveys confirm the potential of helmet laws to discourage cycling.
A total of 1210 secondary school students were questioned as part of the
Blacktown Bike Plan. Of those who had not ridden in the past week,
helmet restriction was the most common reason (33.9%) compared with unsafe
(11.8%) or even not owning a bike (33.8%). A street survey in the
Northern Territory of more than 800 people found 20% had given up cycling
because of the law and a total of 42% had reduced their cycling.
In the ACT, when 325 cyclists were asked "Would you cycle less if helmets
became compulsory?" 90 (28%) said they would. In Western Australia
(WA), a telephone survey of 254 households in which adults responded on
behalf of themselves and their children found 13% of Perth and 8% of country
cyclists had given up or cycled less because of the law. 31
However, when the adult respondents replied for themselves, a proportion
equivalent to 64% of current adult cyclists said they would cycle more
if not legally required to wear a helmet. Thus, apart from the WA telephone
survey (suffering from a small sample size and that parents may not always
be aware of a child's true motives), street counts and survey interviews
have both consistently revealed a substantial deterrent of helmet laws
on cycling.
Figure 3. NSW. Helmet wearing
(w%) 14 , 33
and cyclist hospital admissions by year to end June. NB law
for children introduced 6 months after adult law.
Figure 3 shows
pre- and post-law helmet wearing rates in NSW14,33 together with hospital
data. A generally declining trend is apparent in the percentage of
adult cyclists admitted to hospital suffering head injuries, but no clear
effect of the helmet law, estimated to have increased helmet wearing rates
from 26% to 77% and 85% of adults in the 1st and 2nd years of the law.
For child cyclists, a small reduction can be seen in the percentages with
head injury over and above a generally declining trend. However,
head injuries to child cyclists declined by only 29% in years 1 and 2,
compared with reductions of 36% and 44% in numbers of child cyclists observed.
If the surveys were representative of the effect of the law on cycling
participation, then the risk of head injury would appear to have increased,
rather than decreased, because of an increase in accident rates.
Researchers have developed the theory of risk compensation to explain why
accidents often appear to increase following adoption of a new safety
measure. In many cases, the benefits of the measures are large and
outweigh any effects of risk compensation. Comparison of head injury
and cycling participation rates following helmet laws in NSW and other
places leads to the possibility this is not the case for bike helmets.
Fig 4. South Australia. Cyclist
hospital admissions and helmet wearing (%W) 20
by year to June.
Hospital data for South Australia (SA) 20 is
given in Figure 4. Percentage of cyclist admissions are graphed separately
for those suffering concussion and other head/face injuries. The
steady decline in admissions for concussion may, in part, relate to changes
in admissions policy in that some hospitals no longer routinely admit patients
who suffered a short episode of concussion. 29
No additional effect of the law is apparent on concussions. For other
head injuries, the effect is difficult to determine. Rates were no
different in 1992-3 with mandatory helmets than in 1988-89 when wearing
was limited. We may therefore conclude increasing helmet
wearing from 40 to 90% of all cyclists had a relatively small effect, compared
with other factors affecting the risk of head injury. A similar conclusion
was obtained from head injury data in New Zealand. As in the Australian
data, trends were apparent in rates of head injury and noted to be "present
before, and independent of, helmet wearing." 18
After accounting for this trend, increased helmet wearing had "little association
with serious head injuries as a percentage of all serious injuries to cyclists."
18
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22 Finch CF, Newstead SV, Cameron MH, Vulcan, A.P. Head injury reductions in Victoria two years after mandatory bicycle helmet use. Rpt 51, Monash University Accident Research Centre, July 1993.
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26 Hamer, M. Cameras keep death off the roads. New Scientist, April 1994.
27 Engel U, Thomsen LK. Safety effects speed reducing measures in Danish residential areas. Accid Anal Prev 1992;24:17-28.
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29 Kraus JF, Fife D, Conroy C. Incidence, severity and outcomes of brain injuries involving bicycles. Amer. J. Public Health 1987;77:76-78.
30 BMA. Cycling towards health and safety. Oxford University Press, 1992.
31 Heathcote, B. Bicyclist helmet wearing in Western Australia; a 1993 review. Traffic Board of WA.
32 King, M, Fraine, G. Bicycle helmet legislation and enforcement in Queensland 1991-93: Effects on helmet wearing and crashes. Road Transport and Safety Section, Queensland Transport, 1993.
33 Smith NC, Milthorpe, FW. An observational survey
of law compliance and helmet wearing by bicyclists in New South Wales -
1993. Roads and Traffic Authority, 1993.